Pakhtunkhwa is home to the majority Pakhtuns (Pashtuns) as well as other smaller ethnic groups. The province borders Afghanistan to the northwest, the Northern Areas to the northeast, Azad Kashmir to the east, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) to the west and south, and Pakistani Punjab and Islamabad Capital Territory to the southeast. The principal language is Pashto and the provincial capital is Peshawar.
Geography
Pakhtunkhwa is largely located on the Iranian plateau and Eurasian landplate, while peripheral eastern regions are located near the Indian subcontinent and this has led to seismic activity in the past. The famous Khyber Pass links the province to Afghanistan, while the Kohalla Bridge in Circle Bakote is a major crossing point over the Jhelum river in the east. The province has an area of (28,773 square miles) or 74,521 km² of Pakistani territory and its districts include Hazara Division, home to the town of Havelian, the western starting point of the Karakoram Highway.
The capital and largest city of the province is Peshawar. Peshawar's is divided into various sections with the Old City being notable for its chai-khanas (or tea houses) and other ancient structures. Qissa Kahani Bazaar and other parts of Peshawar can remind visitors of an Arabian Nights tale with its myriad corridors and its multicultural vendors. The Afghan character of the city was enhanced by the refugees from Afghanistan and the burgeoning population of tribesmen who have flocked to the city from rural areas in search of employment.
Other main cities include Nowshera, Mardan, Mansehra, Charsadda, Ayubia, Nathia Gali and Abbottabad. The province's main districts include Dera Ismail Khan, Kohat, Bannu, Peshawar, Abbottabad and Mansehra.
The region varies in topography from dry rocky areas in the south to forests and green plains in the north. The climate can be extreme with intensely hot summers to freezing cold winters. Despite these extremes in weather, agriculture remains important and viable in the area. The hilly terrain of Swat, Kalam, Upper Dir, Naran and Kaghan is renowned for its beauty and attracts a great many tourists from neighbouring regions and from around the world. Swat-Kalam is also termed 'a piece of Switzerland' as there are many landscape similarities between it and the mountainous terrain of Switzerland.
It covers an area of 74,521 km² (28,773 sq mi). According to the 1998 census, the total population of Pakhtunkhwa was approximately 17 million[2] out of whom 52% are males and 48% females. The density of population is 187 per km² and the intercensal change of population is of about 30%. Geographically the province could be divided into two zones: the northern one extending from the ranges of the Hindu Kush to the borders of Peshawar basin; and the southern one extending from Peshawar to the Derajat basin.
The northern zone is cold and snowy in winters with heavy rainfall and pleasant summers with the exception of Peshawar basin, which is hot in summer and cold in winter. It has moderate rainfall. The southern zone is arid with hot summers and relatively cold winters and scantly rainfall. Its climate varies from very cold (Chitral in the north) to very hot in places like D.I. Khan. The major rivers that criss cross the province are Kabul River, Swat River, Chitral River, Panjgora River, Bara River, Karam River, Gomal River and Zob River.
Its snow-capped peaks and lush green valleys of unusual beauty attract tourists from far and wide while its art and architecture no less known than the historic Khyber Pass. Once the cradle of Gandhara civilization, the area is now known for its devout Muslims who zealously guard their religion and culture and the way of life that they have been following for centuries.
Climate
The climate of Pakhtunkhwa province varies immensely for a region of its size, most of the many climate types found in Pakistan.
Chitral District
The north, comprising Chitral District, has a typically continental steppe climate, with average annual precipitation ranging from 100 mm (4 inches) per year in the far north to 585 mm (23 inches) in Drosh in the south. Most of this precipitation from frontal cloudbands during the winter and heavy thunderstorms in the spring. Of Chitral's average 420 mm (16.5 inches) of rainfall per year, 350 mm (13.8 inches) falls from December to May. At high elevations in the Hindukush, snowfall can be much heavier than this and consequently large glaciers are a prominent feature of the landscape. Snow also cuts off even Chitral town from the outside world for most of the year. Temperatures in the valleys vary from 40 °C (105 °F) in July to as low as -10 °C (15 °F) in January. In the previous few years flood have created problems in Mastuj tehsil.
Dir, Swat and Hazara
Further south, in the districts of Dir, Swat and Hazara, the climate becomes more typical of the Indian subcontinent, although a considerable proportion of the annual precipitation still comes from frontal cloudbands during the winter months.
The combination of a short but powerful (owing to orography) summer monsoon with frequent winter cloudbands gives a bimodal rainfall regime in central parts of Pakhtunkhwa. Dir and Hazara districts are some of the wettest places in Pakistan: annual rainfall at Dir averages 1475 mm (58 inches), of which 400 mm (15.75 inches) falls during the summer monsoon from July to September and twice that amount during the winter rainy season from December to April. At Abbottabad further east, the annual rainfall averages about 1195 mm (47 inches), but as much as 635 mm (25 inches) falls during the south-west monsoon. In Swat, rather more sheltered, the annual rainfall averages around 840 mm (33 inches), with about 430 mm (17 inches) expected between June and September. A similar climate to that of Dir, though drier, prevails in a small area around Parachinar in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas.
In all areas October and November are the driest months with rainfalls generally under 30 mm (1.2 inches) per month except in the most exposed areas.
Temperatures in this region are somewhat warmer than in Chitral, and even at 1,200 metres (3,900 ft) in Abbottabad the heat and humidity can be oppressive during the monsoon season. In winter, most of Swat receives significant snowfall, but in Hazara temperatures usually are around 5 °C (41 °F).
Southern North-West Frontier Province
This region, south of the Himalaya/Hindukush foothills, has the typically hot and dry climate of much of Pakistan. Temperatures in summer are quite oppressively hot, and in the south around Mardan temperatures of 45 °C (113 °F) are not uncommon, whilst in Peshawar 40 °C (104 °F) is par for the course in summer. In winter, however, this region is both warmer and generally drier than the rest of NWFP, with temperatures being around 17 °C (62 °F) in Peshawar and over 20 °C (68 °F) in the extreme south of the province. Nights, however, can still be quite cold during the winter.
Southern Pakhtunkhwa experiences little (and very erratic) monsoonal rain, with Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan both averaging around 115 mm (4.5 inches) of rain in July and August and almost nothing in June or September. Moreover, in many years no summer rain of significance occurs. In winter, rainfall usually peaks in March but Peshawar averages less than 250mm (10 inches) between December and May and Dera Ismail Khan less than 115 mm (4.5 inches). On certain mountain slopes such as around Kohat, winter rainfall may predominate, though this is unpredictable.
Pashto is the most pervasive language while Hindko is the second most commonly spoken indigenous language. Pashto is predominant in western and southern Pakhtunkhwa and is main language in most cities and towns including Peshawar. Hindkowans are most common in eastern Pakhtunkhwa, the Hazara Division, and especially in the cities of Abbottabad, Mansehra, and Haripur. Saraiki and Balochi-speakers live in the southeast of the province mainly in Dera Ismail Khan District. Bilingualism and trilingualism is common with Pashto and Urdu being the primary other languages spoken.
In most rural areas of the centre and south various Pashtun tribes can be found including the Yusufzai, Khattak, Marwat, Afridi, Shinwari, Orakzai, Bangash, Mahsud, Mohmand, Wazir, and Gandapur as well as numerous other smaller tribes. Further north, the prominent Pashtun tribes are, Swati, Tareen, Jadoon and Mashwani. There are various strong non-Pashtun tribes like Awan, Gujjar and Tanoli. The Awan are believed to be of Arabic origin and are recognisably different from the rest of Pashtun and non-Pushtun majority.
The mountainous extreme north includes the Chitral District which is home to diverse Dardic ethnic groups such as the Khowar, Kohistani, Shina, Torwali, Kalasha and Kalami.
In addition, Afghan refugees, although predominantly Pashtun (including the Ghilzai and Durrani tribes), include hundreds of thousands of Persian-speaking Tajiks and Hazaras as well other smaller groups found throughout the province.
Nearly all of the inhabitants of the Pakhtunkhwa are Muslim with a Sunni majority and significant minority of Shias and Ismailis. Many of the Kalasha of Southern Chitral still retain their ancient Animist/Shamanist religion.
Government
The Provincial Assembly of the North-West Frontier Province is unicameral and consists of 124 seats of which 2% are reserved for non-Muslims and 17% for women only.
Economy
After suffering for decades due to the fallout of Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, today they are again being targeted for totally a reverse situation. Agriculture remains important and the main cash crops include wheat, maize, rice, sugar beets, as well as various fruits are grown in the province. Some manufacturing and high tech investments in Peshawar has helped improve job prospects for many locals, while trade in the province involves nearly every product known to man, as the bazaars in the province are renowned throughout Pakistan. Unemployment has been reduced due to establishment of industrial zones.
Numerous workshops throughout the province support the manufacture of small arms and weapons of various types. The province accounts for at least 78% of the marble production in Pakistan .
Education
The trend towards higher education is rapidly increasing in the province and Pakhtunkhwa is home to Pakistan's foremost engineering university (Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute), which is located in Topi, a town in Swabi district. The University of Peshawar is also a notable institution of higher learning. The Frontier Post is perhaps the province's best-known newspaper and addresses many of the various issues facing the local population.
Geography
Pakhtunkhwa is largely located on the Iranian plateau and Eurasian landplate, while peripheral eastern regions are located near the Indian subcontinent and this has led to seismic activity in the past. The famous Khyber Pass links the province to Afghanistan, while the Kohalla Bridge in Circle Bakote is a major crossing point over the Jhelum river in the east. The province has an area of (28,773 square miles) or 74,521 km² of Pakistani territory and its districts include Hazara Division, home to the town of Havelian, the western starting point of the Karakoram Highway.
The capital and largest city of the province is Peshawar. Peshawar's is divided into various sections with the Old City being notable for its chai-khanas (or tea houses) and other ancient structures. Qissa Kahani Bazaar and other parts of Peshawar can remind visitors of an Arabian Nights tale with its myriad corridors and its multicultural vendors. The Afghan character of the city was enhanced by the refugees from Afghanistan and the burgeoning population of tribesmen who have flocked to the city from rural areas in search of employment.
Other main cities include Nowshera, Mardan, Mansehra, Charsadda, Ayubia, Nathia Gali and Abbottabad. The province's main districts include Dera Ismail Khan, Kohat, Bannu, Peshawar, Abbottabad and Mansehra.
The region varies in topography from dry rocky areas in the south to forests and green plains in the north. The climate can be extreme with intensely hot summers to freezing cold winters. Despite these extremes in weather, agriculture remains important and viable in the area. The hilly terrain of Swat, Kalam, Upper Dir, Naran and Kaghan is renowned for its beauty and attracts a great many tourists from neighbouring regions and from around the world. Swat-Kalam is also termed 'a piece of Switzerland' as there are many landscape similarities between it and the mountainous terrain of Switzerland.
It covers an area of 74,521 km² (28,773 sq mi). According to the 1998 census, the total population of Pakhtunkhwa was approximately 17 million[2] out of whom 52% are males and 48% females. The density of population is 187 per km² and the intercensal change of population is of about 30%. Geographically the province could be divided into two zones: the northern one extending from the ranges of the Hindu Kush to the borders of Peshawar basin; and the southern one extending from Peshawar to the Derajat basin.
The northern zone is cold and snowy in winters with heavy rainfall and pleasant summers with the exception of Peshawar basin, which is hot in summer and cold in winter. It has moderate rainfall. The southern zone is arid with hot summers and relatively cold winters and scantly rainfall. Its climate varies from very cold (Chitral in the north) to very hot in places like D.I. Khan. The major rivers that criss cross the province are Kabul River, Swat River, Chitral River, Panjgora River, Bara River, Karam River, Gomal River and Zob River.
Its snow-capped peaks and lush green valleys of unusual beauty attract tourists from far and wide while its art and architecture no less known than the historic Khyber Pass. Once the cradle of Gandhara civilization, the area is now known for its devout Muslims who zealously guard their religion and culture and the way of life that they have been following for centuries.
Climate
The climate of Pakhtunkhwa province varies immensely for a region of its size, most of the many climate types found in Pakistan.
Chitral District
The north, comprising Chitral District, has a typically continental steppe climate, with average annual precipitation ranging from 100 mm (4 inches) per year in the far north to 585 mm (23 inches) in Drosh in the south. Most of this precipitation from frontal cloudbands during the winter and heavy thunderstorms in the spring. Of Chitral's average 420 mm (16.5 inches) of rainfall per year, 350 mm (13.8 inches) falls from December to May. At high elevations in the Hindukush, snowfall can be much heavier than this and consequently large glaciers are a prominent feature of the landscape. Snow also cuts off even Chitral town from the outside world for most of the year. Temperatures in the valleys vary from 40 °C (105 °F) in July to as low as -10 °C (15 °F) in January. In the previous few years flood have created problems in Mastuj tehsil.
Dir, Swat and Hazara
Further south, in the districts of Dir, Swat and Hazara, the climate becomes more typical of the Indian subcontinent, although a considerable proportion of the annual precipitation still comes from frontal cloudbands during the winter months.
The combination of a short but powerful (owing to orography) summer monsoon with frequent winter cloudbands gives a bimodal rainfall regime in central parts of Pakhtunkhwa. Dir and Hazara districts are some of the wettest places in Pakistan: annual rainfall at Dir averages 1475 mm (58 inches), of which 400 mm (15.75 inches) falls during the summer monsoon from July to September and twice that amount during the winter rainy season from December to April. At Abbottabad further east, the annual rainfall averages about 1195 mm (47 inches), but as much as 635 mm (25 inches) falls during the south-west monsoon. In Swat, rather more sheltered, the annual rainfall averages around 840 mm (33 inches), with about 430 mm (17 inches) expected between June and September. A similar climate to that of Dir, though drier, prevails in a small area around Parachinar in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas.
In all areas October and November are the driest months with rainfalls generally under 30 mm (1.2 inches) per month except in the most exposed areas.
Temperatures in this region are somewhat warmer than in Chitral, and even at 1,200 metres (3,900 ft) in Abbottabad the heat and humidity can be oppressive during the monsoon season. In winter, most of Swat receives significant snowfall, but in Hazara temperatures usually are around 5 °C (41 °F).
Southern North-West Frontier Province
This region, south of the Himalaya/Hindukush foothills, has the typically hot and dry climate of much of Pakistan. Temperatures in summer are quite oppressively hot, and in the south around Mardan temperatures of 45 °C (113 °F) are not uncommon, whilst in Peshawar 40 °C (104 °F) is par for the course in summer. In winter, however, this region is both warmer and generally drier than the rest of NWFP, with temperatures being around 17 °C (62 °F) in Peshawar and over 20 °C (68 °F) in the extreme south of the province. Nights, however, can still be quite cold during the winter.
Southern Pakhtunkhwa experiences little (and very erratic) monsoonal rain, with Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan both averaging around 115 mm (4.5 inches) of rain in July and August and almost nothing in June or September. Moreover, in many years no summer rain of significance occurs. In winter, rainfall usually peaks in March but Peshawar averages less than 250mm (10 inches) between December and May and Dera Ismail Khan less than 115 mm (4.5 inches). On certain mountain slopes such as around Kohat, winter rainfall may predominate, though this is unpredictable.
Pashto is the most pervasive language while Hindko is the second most commonly spoken indigenous language. Pashto is predominant in western and southern Pakhtunkhwa and is main language in most cities and towns including Peshawar. Hindkowans are most common in eastern Pakhtunkhwa, the Hazara Division, and especially in the cities of Abbottabad, Mansehra, and Haripur. Saraiki and Balochi-speakers live in the southeast of the province mainly in Dera Ismail Khan District. Bilingualism and trilingualism is common with Pashto and Urdu being the primary other languages spoken.
In most rural areas of the centre and south various Pashtun tribes can be found including the Yusufzai, Khattak, Marwat, Afridi, Shinwari, Orakzai, Bangash, Mahsud, Mohmand, Wazir, and Gandapur as well as numerous other smaller tribes. Further north, the prominent Pashtun tribes are, Swati, Tareen, Jadoon and Mashwani. There are various strong non-Pashtun tribes like Awan, Gujjar and Tanoli. The Awan are believed to be of Arabic origin and are recognisably different from the rest of Pashtun and non-Pushtun majority.
The mountainous extreme north includes the Chitral District which is home to diverse Dardic ethnic groups such as the Khowar, Kohistani, Shina, Torwali, Kalasha and Kalami.
In addition, Afghan refugees, although predominantly Pashtun (including the Ghilzai and Durrani tribes), include hundreds of thousands of Persian-speaking Tajiks and Hazaras as well other smaller groups found throughout the province.
Nearly all of the inhabitants of the Pakhtunkhwa are Muslim with a Sunni majority and significant minority of Shias and Ismailis. Many of the Kalasha of Southern Chitral still retain their ancient Animist/Shamanist religion.
Government
The Provincial Assembly of the North-West Frontier Province is unicameral and consists of 124 seats of which 2% are reserved for non-Muslims and 17% for women only.
Economy
After suffering for decades due to the fallout of Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, today they are again being targeted for totally a reverse situation. Agriculture remains important and the main cash crops include wheat, maize, rice, sugar beets, as well as various fruits are grown in the province. Some manufacturing and high tech investments in Peshawar has helped improve job prospects for many locals, while trade in the province involves nearly every product known to man, as the bazaars in the province are renowned throughout Pakistan. Unemployment has been reduced due to establishment of industrial zones.
Numerous workshops throughout the province support the manufacture of small arms and weapons of various types. The province accounts for at least 78% of the marble production in Pakistan .
Education
The trend towards higher education is rapidly increasing in the province and Pakhtunkhwa is home to Pakistan's foremost engineering university (Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute), which is located in Topi, a town in Swabi district. The University of Peshawar is also a notable institution of higher learning. The Frontier Post is perhaps the province's best-known newspaper and addresses many of the various issues facing the local population.
We the people of Chitral never ever like the name Pukhtoonkhwa the new discriminative name for NWFP. Before it happens we are planing to change the name of Chitral into non pukhtoon district or NPD chitral. the voice will be soon raised in both national and provincial assebelies.
ReplyDeleteDr. Khalil Chitrali
Canada
doctorvet64@yahoo.com
Dear Dr. Khalil Chitrali,
ReplyDeleteHistorically, the NWFP area has been known and has been under the control of Pakhtuns just as Chitral is/has been known to be Chitrali and the new name (which was voted for by the provincial assembly that included representatives from Chitral) reflects this.
The new name does not affect the position of Chitral or the Chitrali people and I cannot see how your proposed name for Chitral will benefit Chitral or Chitralis.
I as a Swati value your Chitrali identity as much as I value my Swati identity and I have no problems with the new name (Pakhtunkhwa) for NWFP.
Wishing you well.
Mohammad Shah
News
ReplyDeleteTuesday, September 02, 2008
Govt decides to rename NWFP as Pakhtunkhawa
LAHORE: The federal government has decided to rename the NWFP as Pakhtunkhawa, Samaa TV reported. The channel said the decision was made in a meeting between an Awami National Party delegation and Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani on Monday. It said that ANP chief Asfandyar Wali assured Gilani that his party would support Asif Zardari in the presidential election. daily times monitor
Courtesy Daily Times
I believe this name change of NWFP to Pakhtunkhuwa is discremantory for the people of my Hazara Division, who are hindko speakers and cannot associate themsleves with Pakhtun language. We consist of 30 percent of the entire NWFP and have made numerous sacrifices for the Country and this Province. If the pakhtuns want pakhtunkhuwa then it will have to be minus Hazara Division.
ReplyDeleteWe have Tarbella Dam, Khanpur Dam and Ghazi Barotha; abundance of forests and tourist resorts of Kaghan, Naran, Galiyat, and many others. We have the industrial area of Hattar and cities like Abbotabad, Haripur and Mansehra. All the important components that can make a successful Province.
I would rather want Hazara to be included in Punjab than in Pakhtunkhuwa because who ever goes and settles in Punjab becomes a Punjabi, but who ever will settle in Pakhtunkhuwa will never be called Pakhtun, if hes not by tribe.
Farid Salahuddin
Tanawal, Hazara, NWFP.
Farid Salahuddin
ReplyDeleteTanawal, Hazara, NWFP.
As far as your comments concerning the “Hindko” , I refer you to the following letter addressed to a newspaper :-
‘Renaming NWFP’
Last week I read two above-titled letters in your newspaper concerning renaming of NWFP. Opposing Pakhtunkhwa, both the writers suggested some other names for the province. One must remember that the NWFP people want to rename their province because the present name does not represent their identity and they want the name which represents them. So if the province adopts the names suggested by the writers, it will complicate instead of solving the problem. It is not possible for Pakhtuns to become Nooristani or Abbasini.
One reason cited for opposing the name ‘Pakhtunkhwa’ is the objection the people of Hazara may have to this name. I myself belong to Hazara and want to clear that this is just propaganda that the people of Hazara are opposed to renaming NWFP as Pakhtunkhwa. There are three kinds of people in Hazara: (1) Those who speak Pashtu, (2) those who speak both Pashtu and Hindko and proudly call themselves Pashtun or Pathan and (3) those who speak Hindko but write themselves as Pathan in their domiciles and very proudly claim that they are basically Pathans.
So, if approximately all the Hazarawals call themselves Pathan, then there is no room for them to oppose a name which provides them their identity. I also want to clear it that renaming NWFP is the matter of the people belonging to this province, and Pakhtuns know better what should be the name of their province.
Nazir Alam Khan
Long live the people of FATA & NWFP and may God protect them from all their enemies (inside/outside of Pakistan).
Wishing you well.
Kind Regards
Mohammad shah
The name of Pakhtunkhwa is good name instead of NWFP.
ReplyDeleteMajority of pakhtun living in whole of Pakhtunkhwa.
In Hazara, Swati, Jadoon and Tarin are Pakhtun and they have majority land owner and political back ground,Mansehra and Battagram belong to Swati, Abbotabad belong to Jadoon and Haripur belong to Tarin,,rest of other cast and tribe are minor in Hazara.
Tribe can not be changed, if you speak hindko or pashto or urdu or english.
I am living in Karachi, I speak Urdu becos i have got education in Urdu rather than pashto or hindko.
so a man is living in UK or USA or in India, they will like to use their tribe name, like Irfan Pathan or Sharukh Khan,
so the change of name is a great effort by ANP and i praised to the ANP leaders who do this great job and change the name of NWFP.
sultan swati
UAE
Dear Dr. Khalil Chitrali, Mohammad Shah, Farid Salahuddin, sultan swati and Nazir Alam,
ReplyDeleteI thank you all for your comments as this debate is going strong , healthy and positive. By talking to people with whom we do not agree, we learn a lot more than just sharing our views with people with shared views.
I hope that more people like you gentlemen can put your views forward.
Once again, thankyou all.
Two faces of the same coin?
ReplyDeleteFriday January 02, 2009
The PakTribune
Dear Mr Eschmall Sardar,
I don’t know exactly what the definition/requirements are to be a Pir but my understanding of Samiullah is that he was of Gujar ethnic of village Mandall Dag, Matta district of Swat who stood up to the Taliban as many other people/families did, was described only by the army as a Pir, perhaps to add another dimension to the blood letting of Pakhtuns, was encouraged by the army stationed in Swat to raise a lashkar against the Taliban and as the Pakistani army has done so in the past in Swat to other people/families, let him down.
The Taliban than besieged him for days in his village but the army never showed up to help and finally he was killed.
When the fighting was over the army of Pakistan arrived and started killing innocent/vulnerable people in the villages of Nalkot, Shawer, Roningar ect
The Taliban exhumed his body and hung it in a public place, saying today he is portrayed by the army as a Pir tomorrow people will worship at his grave.
What the Taliban did to Samiullah’s body is yet another heinous crime in their chapter of Swat but what the army is doing in Swat is tantamount to a kick to the face of civilisation.
It appears to me that there are two culprits responsible for the bloodshed of the innocents in Swat, the Pakistan army and the so called Taliban whilst the poor people are caught in the middle.
Leaving aside what the Taliban are up to, what disgusts me is the criminal activities of the Pakistan army who bomb, shell, shoot at villages indiscriminately, deliberately leaving behind destruction, killing innocent people, looting (are some reports of jewellery being taken from women in their houses amongst other abuse), total disregard for life & property with absolute no worry of any accountability/repercussion of state/international law, like an army on a rampage rather than an army restoring law & order, almost like the Serbian army in Bosnia except there, there was some accountability to international law.
How can the Pakhtun people be protected from this Pakistan Army and what's your findings of the situation in Swat.
To crosscheck my views please ask the Army officers, what they did to the people of Bara Bandai on Eid day, why a disable man (by the name of Bacha) from the village of Miakallay was tortured to death, what the Army did to the people of Ghowarego in the middle of the night and why they stole/took jewellery from the women of Koza Bandai ect and under what code of conduct do the Army operate in the lands of the Pakhtuns.
Also ask the Army what happens to the people who complain to the army (of their conduct) for example a physics doctor of village Bara Bandai.
Why was the doctor son of a blind woman (her only child) in the village of Koza Bandai locked up by the army and tortured?
The list of abuse of military powers, abuse/killing of innocent people of Swat by the Pakistan army is endless and is a lot longer than the abuse the Taliban are doing to the people of Swat.
So who is the MOST criminal, the Pakistan Army or the Taliban?
If the Pakistan Army was an Army. like that was of Swat State, this question would not have arisen?
If the elected "party" of NWFP does NOT question the army for NOT doing it's job and in fact criminally abusing it's military power/position than who should?
Please, advise me, Mr Eschmall Sardar.
Regards
Tuesday, February 24, 2009
ReplyDeleteA Letter To The World Citizens
A Heart Broken Girl
Tue, 24-Feb-2009
Shehnaz is an ethnic Pashtun and at present studying in the United States. In this letter she wants to share the pain and sufferings of her people due to the ongoing conflicts between Taliban militants and Pakistan seucrity forces, with the civilized world. Shehnaz can be reached at gwal_pari@yahoo.com
To keep the originalility of the letter intact Pakhtunkhwa Times with permission of Pashtunpost is sharing it with you as it is and without any edits in its contents—Editorial
Dear Citizens of the World!
The people of Swat, Pakistan (in NWFP), and surrounding areas have been dying for over a year now, and the Pakistani government has done nothing to help stop their destruction. It claims it has sent “security forces” to those regions to settle the matter, but it fails to provide evidence. Not just that, but instead of having these “security forces” punish/kill the Taliban, they kill civilians. They claim to be shooting in areas filled with Taliban, but somehow, the Taliban always end up escaping while innocent Pashtuns’ lives are snatched. Taliban destroy our schools while these “security forces” stand and watch quietly. They argue that they cannot differentiate the Taliban from the average Pashtun man, but how does one witness a person committing such horrendous crimes and remain silent, claiming not to know who the criminal is when the criminal is standing right in front of him?
Then there's the media: why is it that hardly a handful of people around the world knows about what the Pashtuns are going through right now? If they knew, there would perhaps be more protests against our genocide; or perhaps, at the very least, our situation would be mentioned in most newspapers, whether local or international, and maybe even make front-page news every now and then. For instance, how many people universally are aware of the fact that the Taliban have now issued a new dictum in which they have decided that all young, unmarried females in Swat must be married to them (i.e., these militants)? How many people know that hundreds of schools in Swat alone have been destroyed in just the past year? hwHow How mddffffffHow many people have read the letters and articles, in BBC, that are written by victims who beg the world to help them (such as in “A Letter from Swat,” by Zobair Torwali, a social activist who lives in Swat)? How many people know that a law was passed no more than a month ago, stating that girls are not to go to school anymore and if they do so, they and their families will have to face severe consequences? How many people know that numerous Pashtun refugees from NWFP have fled to Afghanistan – that, by foot – in order that they may be at peace? Unfortunately, there are far many more who refuse to leave because for them, their current residence is their home; this is where their ancestors lived, survived hardships just like them, and died; it is where all of their relatives and others with whom they have strong bonds have lived for centuries; but also, most of them cannot afford to leave due to financial difficulties. Not to mention, their current regions symbolize for them hope in a state hopeless situation.
Yet, we wonder in pity, why aren’t their screams being heard by the media, by the world? How much more louder do these victims’ screams of this burning pain need to be in order for them to be heard? How long must the suffering continue, and how many more people must die, in order to be labeled genocide by the international community? At the very least, how long must it continue in order for the world to hear the victims’ heartfelt cries? All these questions lead us to ultimately ask: why is the media so silent on the matter regarding these Pashtun victims?
The media’s role is vital because due to the lack of attention that the Pashtun victims are receiving from the media, whether Pakistani or international media, very few people are aware of their suffering. And if the public does not know what is going on around the world, how can they raise a voice against the injustice being done to a people? Indeed, very few news sources have earned the rest of Pashtuns by documenting the miseries that their loved ones back home have been swallowing for the past year. And because we young Pashtuns living abroad have realized that the media is not doing its proper job in revealing the miserable and painful condition of our people, we have decided to accept the heavy burden upon our own shoulders and raise awareness of the situation ourselves. Groups on Online Social Networks (such as Facebook, Orkut, and MySpace) have been created in support of Pashtun victims; in some of these groups, members share and discuss ways through which they can raise awareness of this genocide, and one of the most important ways they have come up with is writing letters to important news sources and explaining this injustice.
I hope that this letter expresses its unheard voice powerfully enough in such a way that the readers are convinced to research the current Pashtun genocide, educate others about it, and help us stand up against our oppressors and with the oppressed.
Thank you for giving me the permission to freely share my thoughts with you, citizens of the world!
Sincerely
Shehnaz,
(A heartbroken Pashtun)
United States
The News International
ReplyDeleteHazara Nazims rail against NWFP renaming
Friday, February 20, 2009
By our correspondent
MANSEHRA: The district nazims of Mansehra, Abbottabad and Haripur Thursday demanded of the provincial government to address the core issues of militancy, lawlessness, unemployment and poverty in the province before its renaming.
“We are ready to accept ‘Pakhtunkhwa’ if it can resolve the major issues confronting the province. Through this step, the ANP-led government wants to run the NWFP affairs on ethnic and language basis,” said one of the speakers at the district council session here.
Following the regular session of Mansehra District Council, another session was also held to chalk out a joint strategy to block the provincial government’s move to rename the province. The session, held with Convener Attiqur Rehman Jahangery in the chair, was addressed by Abbottabad District Nazim Haider Zaman, Haripur District Naib Nazim Major (R) Safdar Zaman, Mansehra District Nazim Sardar Mohammad Yousaf. They said the province renaming was not the demand of the people, adding that they would not let the ANP rename NWFP.
They said their forefathers had rendered sacrifices for the creation of Pakistan and that the ANP’s move might destabilise the country. “A meagre percentage of the NWFP people are in favour of the province renaming; they should respect the referendum of the pre-partition era and accept it as NWFP,” they maintained.
They said Hazara was rich in natural resources and could be given the status of a
separate province if the federal government renamed the NWFP as Pakhtunkhwa. Earlier, taking part in a debate on law and order and other agenda items, councillors Dr Siddique, Amjad Salar Khan, Malik Farooq, Maulana Waseeur Rehman, Ghulam Jan and lady councillors Parveen Saif and Riffat Hameed Qazi said police should maintain cordial relations with the local bodies’ representatives to curb the crime.
FAO: Editor of The News International
Dear Sirs
Why do you, echo the above article, over and over in different format but always making an issue of Pakhtunkhwa.
Are you and your paper, ANTI Pakhtun?
Yours Faithfully
The News International
ReplyDeleteBlood and Swat
Sunday, February 22, 2009
This is in reference to Ayaz Amir's article of Feb 20. The crux of his argument is that the government and the military had exhausted all their options, implying that this capitulation to the Taliban was the only option and that this might well have to be done in FATA and settled districts like Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan.
I have a question for the writer. How many more Pakhtun youth will become cannon fodder for the jihadis in their proxy wars? How many Pakhtun mothers do our drawing-room columnists want to send to the graves of their children? Let Pakhtun blood serve its cause. Long live Islam and long live the Taliban.
Riaz Ahmed
Village Shamozai, Swat
The News International
ReplyDeleteBlood and Swat
Sunday, February 22, 2009
This is in reference to Ayaz Amir's article of Feb 20. The crux of his argument is that the government and the military had exhausted all their options, implying that this capitulation to the Taliban was the only option and that this might well have to be done in FATA and settled districts like Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan.
I have a question for the writer. How many more Pakhtun youth will become cannon fodder for the jihadis in their proxy wars? How many Pakhtun mothers do our drawing-room columnists want to send to the graves of their children? Let Pakhtun blood serve its cause. Long live Islam and long live the Taliban.
Riaz Ahmed
Village Shamozai, Swat
The '''Tanoli''' or ( Tanole Tanolian Taniwal )is the name of a Pashtun tribe,Tanoli migrated from a place called Tanubal River" in Afghanistan.
ReplyDeleteTanolis came to Swat from Afghanistan after the invasions of Sultan Sabuktagin. They came to form a new state. The head of the Swat state at that time was Anwar Khan Tanoli.
The tribe are also present in different areas of [[Pakistan]] and Afghanistan.
In Pakistan, they live in Swat, Mardan,Dir, Bajour,Buner, Shangla,Tanawal, Abbottabad Havelian, Haripur, Khalabat,Malakand agency, Dargai, Sakha Koat, Charsadda,Swabi,
Tanoli tribes live all over in NWFP,and Afghanistan
Tanoli tribe where most live in afghanistan Paktia Gardaiz and Ghazni
UNDERSTANDING FATA AND PASTHUNS
ReplyDeleteDr. Tanvir Orakzai March 03, 2009 From the days of Alexander the Great, FATA (Tribal belt of Pakistan) has been the most important route to the Indian subcontinent. Being a transit route for invaders, the Pasthun tribes in FATA have remained in eternal peril of captivating doom making them suspicious of all foreigners. This sense of insecurity has prevailed among Pasthuns for time immemorial; especially, if an intruder wish to change their way of life (religion and traditions); a vehement resistance flares up among all Pasthuns that often leads to deadly consequences. In the past 2000 thousand years, Pasthuns have been invaded by great military generals including Alexander the Great (326-330 BC), Mahmud Ghaznavi (998 AD) Mughal King Aurangzeb (1673-75),Great Britain ( 1841) and Soviet Union (1979). Pasthuns survived all these mighty incursions due to their resilience and fighting spirit.
If some invasions were only skirmishes by the fleeting invaders, others were determined to control the fierce tribes through brute force. It is not unusual for a superpower to dismiss the less wealthy tribal people as crude and uncivilized people and rely on military strength alone, the British and Soviet Union were no exception. The British aversion (in 19th century) to comprehend FATA´s psyche initially cost them dearly; they lost campaign after campaign except some Pyrrhic victories. However British were shrewd enough to learn lesson from their mistakes and resorted to diplomacy that helped them to keep the FATA in peace with limited control till Pakistan independence.
Soviet Union as an ideology was based on expansionism. For Soviet Union dividing Afghanistan and Pakistan was its natural right to reach the oil of the Middle East. Being triumphant in the past, for Red Army the campaign of Afghanistan was no more than a few months long adventure that proved a fatal mistake. The Soviets brought violent change in Afghanistan without understanding the nature of its tribal people and culture. It feels splendid to initiate brutal change in a far off country dismissing its people as untaught brutes from a comfortable office, however they lost an empire. For Red Army invading Afghanistan was not a problem, they had all of Afghanistan in few weeks, the real concern was, how to stay alive after occupation.
Pasthuns are divided into various clans and tribes, living not only in tribal belt, but also sprawled in the semi-tribal areas all over North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Baluchistan (Pakistan) and across the border in Afghanistan. All Pasthuns tribes are banded together due to common language, religion, and traditions. Majority of the Pasthun tribes have been living in their tribal enclaves for centuries according to their own norms. It is not uncommon for a visitor to find few bleak mud houses in FATA barren land. It may look outlandish for someone living in the city to come across such dissimilar life style, but this has been the way of life in FATA for aeons. The remoteness from city life has created a sense of unlimited freedom among all tribal people, where an individual is responsible only to his tribe and no one else. Such thinking has given rise to an inflated ego in all Pasthuns, where loyalty to the clan is obligatory in all circumstances. This way of thinking has divided a Pasthun world into two shades of thoughts "We versus Them". Thus a Pasthun can be extremely loyal towards his own tribe, and hostile towards outsider, if he finds himself under threat.
Centuries of harsh life have made Pasthuns masters of their area; no one knows their terrain better than them. Having indigenous knowledge of the terrain and being skilful in the art of warfare, it is common for a Pasthun to be expert in ambush and sabotage. Having command over the valleys and its mountains, tribesmen effectively use this indigenous knowledge for their advantage in the wake of a conflict. Be it fighting with the casual invaders or regular army, Pasthuns have been protecting their identity throughout the ages by launching Jihad. The invading army often targets a single area in a mistaken belief that the conflict would be over in few weeks; which never comes true. The history is vivid with such examples where kings and emperor miscalculated their adventures, such as Mogul Campaign (1675), British Campaign of Afghanistan (1839-1842) British Campaign of Waziristan (1935-36), Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (1979), all of which started as minor skirmishes and ended up in decade long campaigns with disastrous results.
Scoop.co.nz (press release)
ReplyDeleteWednesday, 8 April 2009, 2:48 pm
Press Release: Asian Human Rights Commission Pakistan: State Authorities Support The Taliban, And Responds Weakly To Public Outrage Over The Public Flogging Of A Girl
The Internet-broadcasted public flogging of a young girl by Taliban members in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) has enraged sections of Pakistan society, and given a taste of the newly-brokered brand of religious justice in Swat. The beating has refreshed debates on religion-backed violence against women in the country, but equally as disturbing, is the light it has thrown on the working relationship between state actors and the Taliban. In the days since the girl was beaten, she and her family have been stifled, the crime has been denied and the blame has been shifted to a variety of unlikely players.
Cruelty under the guise of spirituality
17-year-old Chand Bibi was reportedly found out of her home, buying groceries while unaccompanied. Weeks before, the Taliban and an extremist group led by Soofi Mohammad had brokered an agreement with the government that enforced religious rules, including a law that obliges women to stay inside the house unless with close males relatives.
On In the mid of the March, 2009, the religious authorities made Chand Bibi their first example of Taliban justice, suggesting that spectators record the punishment on their mobile phones. The video shows the teenager pinned face-down on the ground, clothed, with two men on her upper body and one holding down her legs, while a fourth flogs her buttocks with a stick in front of a large crowd, thirty-five times. Afterwards positive, proud statements were issued by Taliban spokesmen and journalists for religious news publications.
A swift about-turn
However when the local population started to react against the video -- followed by the rest of the country in the media and street protests -- the Taliban changed their account of the incident; the girl’s charged was changed to fornication. She is reported to have been quickly married to a young man, Mr. Adalat Khan, also now implicated, and her punishment was heralded as ‘lenient’.
After the Supreme Court took up the case in a suo moto action, the Inspector General of the area was pressured into lodging a First Information Report with the police. He lodged it against ‘unknown persons’, though the men beating Chand Bibi can be identified in the video. Social organizations have reported that the family can’t be reached for comment, and when the case went to court, the judges were unable to try the case without the victim present.
Local organizations say that Qazis, the Islamic courts judges and other Taliban members are pressuring the family to keep quiet. Mr. Abdul Latif Afridi, President of Peshawar High Court Bar Association has said that Chand Bibi, was forced by various Taliban leaders, along with officials from the provincial government, to confirm the new charges and not to attend the hearing. The girl’s family, in turn, has said that their religious traditions do not allow the girl to be produced before a large group of men. However the Inspector General’s FIR mentions Chand Bibi’s first report to a number of men, including the Commissioner of the Malakand division Mr. Syed Javed and Islamic court judge Mr. Qazi Riaz.
Having failed to sway public opinion in favour of the girl’s flogging, Taliban members have begun to suggest that the video was staged -- a conspiracy of NGOs, or Americans.
A loss of credibility
The case has served to quickly discredit the strain of Taliban justice that is being meted out in Swat Valley and condoned by the government. It has also shown the weakness of the government, once again, in the face of the Taliban and other religious radicals. And again it has taken civil society and media commentators to question and condemn the violation of basic women’s rights, and the hypocrisy of a punishment broadcast as titillation by a group that claims to uphold the highest of moral values.
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
Daily News & Analysis - Mumbai,India
ReplyDeleteRed shirts, long beards
Ani ZaiFriday, April 24
It is surprising to see how little the lives of ordinary citizens of FATA and NWFP figure in the currently heated discussions of Pakistan.
Many fail to recognise the toll the ensuing militarisation of the border region has had on the lives of people there. Since Partition, the relationship between many living west of Punjab and the state has been marked by mutual suspicion.
Ordinary Pakistanis in the northwest of the country have been unable to rely on the central government for much but differential development policies and an intensified army presence. An entirely new social fabric was manufactured in the FATA and NWFP region from the billions of dollars and the sophisticated weapons that were poured into these regions by the Pakistan state on behalf of the US and Saudi Arabia.
The Awami National Party (ANP) signed the Nizam-e-Adl in February to bring a long-awaited peace to the people who had been caught between the army and the Taliban.
The ANP themselves have suffered tremendously at the hands of the Taliban with hundreds of their cadres either dead or dead men walking. As we try to understand Pakistan, it might be worth noting that the ANP (and its predecessors) has been a political movement committed to non-violent anti-imperialist struggles and to the masses.
The people in FATA and NWFP realised long ago the dangers of debasing religion by using it for political gains, as had been done by the Muslim League in the creation of Pakistan. In response to the secular stance of the ANP and its opposition to a division of the subcontinent along religious lines, the Pakistani state had levelled prison terms on ANP supporters and engineered collective amnesia with regard to the historical struggles of the people of NWFP and FATA in gaining independence from the British.
One casualty of this state-engineered amnesia was Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the ancestor of the ANP and the founder of the peaceful army of the Khudai Khidmatgars, which -- made up primarily of Pashtuns from NWFP -- fought with an unwavering ideology of non-violence against British imperialism. Yet these masses and their leaders have not been venerated like other freedom fighters of the subcontinent.
On the contrary, the newly found freedom for the subcontinent meant continued subjugation for Abdul Ghaffar Khan and the Pashtuns. While people from NWFP built the core of the masses who fought against British imperialism, the state of Pakistan made sure that there would be no rightful place in the country's memory for those who opposed bifurcating (or, in ANP language "balkanising") the subcontinent along religious lines. As a result, Abdul Ghaffar Khan spent 15 years behind bars after independence as did his followers. The Pakistani state has since Partition ensured that the Pashtuns remain under-developed and under suspicion.
The 'peace' rallies springing up in urban centres of Pakistan to protest the government deals with the Taliban ironically demand peace derived through acts of violence: although some advocate peace and oppose US drones, there are too many who support the drones and want heightened attacks on the Taliban. These demonstrations occur because Lahore and beyond are now also getting a glimpse of the threats ordinary and peaceful inhabitants of FATA and NWFP have experienced for decades.
Many Pakistanis -- parroting Western opinions -- refer to Pashtun tribal codes and Pashtun 'culture' to explain the ruthless behaviour of the Taliban. Yet the Taliban have little to do with Islam or with Pashtun 'culture' regardless of the claims they make.While the Taliban are comprised of Pashtuns there is nothing Pasthun about them. In their recruitment practices, the Taliban have skilfully played upon the economic disenfranchisement of people in FATA and NWFP, as well as on the long-term political and social alienation of the inhabitants of these areas (similar to the ways in which many in disenfranchised areas of rural India join Naxal movements in hope for more justice and a better livelihood).
Must the innocent masses throughout the FATA and NWFP continue to bear the brunt of the violence as Lahore demands continued drone attacks and swift and massive military action on the Taliban? Can Pakistan and the international community not find other ways besides enhancing state violence? If they do not acknowledge the decades of unjust policies and machinations imposed on the people of FATA and NWFP, the Taliban will continue to wreak havoc and will eventually find themselves in Islamabad in greater numbers performing even more spectacular acts of violence than the flogging of young girls.
New York, May.9 (ANI):
ReplyDeleteThe Pakistan Army has been claiming that it has sanitized scores of Taliban militants in the Swat Valley and other adjoining areas, but if hundreds of people who have been displaced by the war are to be believed, the army is gunning down innocent and hapless civilians in its vow to clear the mess.
If statements of the hundreds of displaced people are any thing to go by, it appears that the army and the Taliban are treating each other like friends, and inspite of targeting each other, they are spraying bullets at the civilians.
The army and the Taliban are not killing each other, they are friends, The New York Times quoted a displaced woman, as saying.
They are only killing civilians. When civilians are killed, the government says they have killed a bunch of terrorists, she added.
Scores of people, who have been forced to flee their home in North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), as well as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), are furious over the military operation and have been criticizing both their government and the Taliban.
We have no blankets and no food. The government is bombing us from the mountains, and the Taliban is shooting at us from the city, the newspaper quoted another displaced woman, as saying.
People, who have now moved to refugee camps in Mardan, said the government is not even bothered about providing things necessary for their survival.
The fighting had succeeded only in ruining the lives of people with no hand in the conflict, another woman said.
On the other hand, amid the massive exodus, the Pakistan army is joyous over the success against the extremists.
Helicopters have strafed militants in Swat over the previous 24 hours, and 140 militants have been killed so far, the ISPR spokesperson Major General Athar Abbas said. (ANI)
A war for survival, says Gilani
ReplyDeleteHindu - Chennai,India
10 may 2009
“This is our war, it is a war for the country’s survival, it is a war for the future of our people,” he said. “I appeal to the people to support the Army as they are fighting for the country’s future”.
This is not a war for the country’s survival, it is a war for the survival/protection of Punjab which gets fat with American dollars ($) and Pakhtuns resources, paid with the very cheap blood of Pakhtuns to the "west" spectators.
Regards
A war for survival, says Gilani
ReplyDeleteHindu - Chennai,India
10 may 2009
“This is our war, it is a war for the country’s survival, it is a war for the future of our people,” he said. “I appeal to the people to support the Army as they are fighting for the country’s future”.
This is not a war for the country’s survival, it is a war for the survival/protection of Punjab which gets fat with American dollars ($) and Pakhtuns resources, paid with the very cheap blood of Pakhtuns for the "west's" spectators.
This is not a war on "terror".
This is not a war on "talibanisation".
It is Punjab's war on Pakhtuns for their resources via the Punjabi/Pakistani Army.
It is the "ethnic" cleansing of Pakhtuns from their lands by Punjab via the Punjabi/Pakistani Army using the American dollars ($) & weapons.
Punjab the beman, the big fat pig province of Pakistan.
Regards
This comment has been removed by a blog administrator.
ReplyDelete@ Sultan Swati (UAE):
ReplyDelete"In Hazara, Swati, Jadoon and Tarin are Pakhtun" you cannot say this with certainty as Swatis are no where to be found in Pashtun records, Jadoons are termed as hamsayas of Pashtuns and Tareens are hindko speaking people in Haripur not pashtu speaking. "and they have majority land owner" The biggest land owner in Hazara are the Tanawalis, with the Nawab of Amb being biggest landlord of the area, followed by Syeds of Kaghan and Ghakkar Rajas of Haripur. "and political back ground" Politically Gujjars dominate Swatis in Mansehra. "Mansehra and Battagram belong to Swati" Biggest land lord of Mansehra; Tanoli Nawab of Amb followed by Syeds of Kaghan, Gujjars dominate in population, followed by Tanolis and then Swatis. "Abbotabad belong to Jadoon" Again in Abbotabad Syeds own most land, in Population Jadoons dominate the city but Lower Tanawal dominated by Tanolis and Galiyat by other tribes such as Abbassis, Dhunds and Karlal. "and Haripur belong to Tarin" How?, "rest of other cast and tribe are minor in Hazara." Really? You are ignorant of these facts to say the least.
"Tribe can not be changed, if you speak hindko or pashto or urdu or english." I thought to be Pashtun one has to speak in Pashtu or atleast know the language, most Tareens, Jadoons and Swatis dont know any Pashtu.
"so a man is living in UK or USA or in India, they will like to use their tribe name, like Irfan Pathan or Sharukh Khan," If you consider Irfan Pathan and Shah Rukh Khan as Pashtuns you dont know anything about Pashtuns and Pakhtunwali.
Aslam Khan Tanoli
Dear Aslam Khan Tanoli,
ReplyDeleteThere are records of Swati people of Hazara being Pakhtuns.
Please refer to the history of Swat State.
Long time ago, before Swat State became a state, there were warfare among many Pakhtun tribes of the region (and some Pakhtun tribes just arriving into the region)for dominance.
This caused many people to leave Swat and settled in what is now Hazara. These people were of many tribes but collectively were called ‘Swatis’ by the locals of Hazara and later they identified themselves as Swatis too.
An example of this happened recently when as a result of military operations in Swat district the people settled in Mardan etc and the people were referred to as ‘Swatis’, these Swatis could return back to Swat district but the Swatis who settled in Hazara have not gone back to Swat and have become settled people of Hazara.
As far as Pakhtuwali is concerned, it is a custom of the Pakhtuns but it is not an ethnic identity of Pakhtuns as similar customs are in place in Baloch culture, Hindkuwan culture and even in Punjabi culture and in this modern day and age it is not compulsory to be able to speak Pakhto as this is sometimes impossible to maintain by Pakhtuns who have settled huge distances from Pakhtun clusters.
Your reasoning’s are emotionally valid but Paktuns descendents who settled in Australia as camel trainers all those years ago cannot be expected to speak Pakhto, it is good enough that they identify themselves as Pakhtuns.
Hope not to offend.
Salams.
The issue of the name must be sorted out sooner rather than later. If Pakhtunkhwa is what is needed by the people who live their than that should be the name. NWFP is no name at all.
ReplyDeleteAs a Pakistani I agree that name of NWFP should be changed. Lets throw awy the legacy of Britisher. But naming it as Khybet Pukhtunkhawah satisfied every body in the province The answer it No because peopie of Hzara are not in favour of this name alone. Pukhtunes name should be there it is agreed but why can't we accomodate he Hazara people. If I am given the choice I will make to sit all representative of Sarhad to decide the name as they agree rather than giving this right to corrupt and illetrate political party reprentating own agenda. This is issue of people of NWFP let them have concenses and decide and every body in the country have to accept it. If as a Pakistani I am allowed to suggest the name as "Hazara pakhtunkhwah or Pakhtunkhwah Hazara" which may satisfied everybody. As a muslim and pakistani we should not be bothering ourself in controvercial issues and should resolve it with national integerity. ALLAH be our guidence force. Wish u all a wisdem decision by al the people of Sarhad to address this dangerious isse.
ReplyDeleteArshad Mahmood
AssalamOAlikum,
ReplyDelete“If you can't go around it, over it, or through it, you had better negotiate with it”
The situation for the demand of a seprate province is the game in which the ball has gona out of the courts of ANP.
NWFP was never a justified name to represent the identity of the people living in the province. Soon after the renaming was presented and adopted, we saw thousands of people on the street demanding for their rights as citizens of this country in Hazara, DIKHAN and other parts.
For a peaceful place, Hazara; has a merge of civilization from all parts of the Asia, stretching from families who in past have moved from Arab, Iran, Afghanistan, Punjab and India, with majority living here are pathans by caste.
But we never impose something against the will of the people as a political mistake for future.
After having huge collateral damage from Waziristan, WANA Swat with the search operation now being operated in Kaladhaka which I am afraid soon will be adopted as the military action,the provincial government would have started developmental and rehabilitation plans, with full concentration towards improving the lives of the people rather than sparking fire which psychologically has resulted in division of the people living across the Frontier.
As a volunteer medical student, me along with the honorable students and doctors was present in DHQ ATD after the incident which occured as a result of state terrorism in Cant. area Abbottabad. After examining the entry and exit wounds we came to a point that never in the history, the protestors have faced serious consequences as their rights in a democratic country.
Who will give an answer to the families which have suffered deaths and permanent dissabilities as a result of protesting for their rights ? The people who died consist of Pathans and ones belonging from other tribes as well.
It would have been better to hold referendum before putting it into the 18th ammendment, but coming after aproximately 15% of the votebank from the province, it would not have been possible for the provincial government as intellects predicted.
The renaming of NWFP to Khyber Pukhtoon Khua not only has raised further hate that every religion and society condemns, but its our duty for all of us to protect our people from falling into this fire of hatered.
And now the government is holding search operation in Kaladhaka; which I am afraid will further detriot the situation & agitate the issue of demand of a separate province.
I wish if the government would have focussed on rehabilitation & development of the Tribal and affected areas, rather than further psychologically divide the people and raise further chaos and hate amongst them.
If the renaming psychologically gave relief to the people, now I believe its the right of the people to demand a seprate province or an administrative unit (as per population concensus) which we shall support as out democratic right as nation.
Ehsen Naveed Irfan
Member Youth Parliament Pakistan
President Insaf Students Federation Hazara Division
Tanoli are not pashtun, they are mixture of differnt tribes, Just they only refer their identy to area.
ReplyDeleteSwati are pashtun, becos they speak pashtu in Mansehra, Batagram,tur gar(kala daka).Swati have different Khel as the same structure of other pashtune tribes.
sultan swati
Karach