Can Balochistan Governer Do The Job After Hazara Deaths Forced Raisani Off Stage?

Balochistan Pakistan
This is an open question as he has not been a very effective figure in the past. Given the fact that governor rule will last just 60 days & than care taker interim government will take over to conduct the general elections, in essence Mr Zulfiqar Magsi has less than 60 days to make any impact.
Balochistan Pakistan
I very much doubt that anything will happen in these 60 days as he is not in charge because of design but because of an accident which has left Quetta & whole of Pakistan in absolute shock.
The nationalist elements in the province who are presiding over a dying insurgency may want to take advantage of this situation but that is also very unlikely to succeed as government of Mr Raisani was not actually very competent any way and Frontier Constabulary was dealing with the insurgents directly without any oversight by Mr Raisani in most of the cases.
Balochistan Pakistan
Whole of Balochistan is looking forward to the elections which will bring in the actual Baloch leadership into power. Mengals have the best chance of forming the government with the help of Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN).
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  1. The government’s consistent failure to protect the Hazara community from sectarian attacks by Sunni militant groups amounts to complicity in the brutal killing of Pakistani citizens

    The Hazaras constitute a distinct ethnic group. Hazaras are of Mongolian and Central Asian descent and legend has it they are descendants of Genghis Khan and his soldiers who invaded Afghanistan in the 13th century. Almost all belong to the Shia Muslim sect, speak a dialect of Farsi, and are also concentrated in central Afghanistan. There are some 600,000 to 700,000 Hazaras in Pakistan. In Quetta, many of them live on the Alamdar Road. Human Rights Watch (HRW) research indicates that at least 275 Shias, mostly of Hazara ethnicity, have been killed in sectarian attacks in the southwestern province of Balochistan alone since 2008. Sectarian preference is a form of racial prejudice, and like prejudice, it is closely linked with the urge to obtain and keep power over others.

    Ethnicity is usually defined as that part of a person’s identity that is drawn from one or more ‘markers’, like race, religion, shared history, region, social symbols or language. It is distinct from that part of a person’s identity that comes from, say, personal moral doctrine, economic status, civic affiliations or personal history. Parlaying these into a concept of ethnic nationalism is tricky however; growing hatred as an ends-based concept does not make any sense if the motivating purpose of contention is some matter of specific relevance to an ethnic group. The inherent complexity and dynamism of ethnicity itself makes understanding this concept difficult. Constructing superior racial or religious ethnicity is a dangerous and contested target and so explanations of ethnic conflict with reference to such ethnic nationalism is liable to produce ominous harm. Unlike ‘class conflict’, which can be proved or disproved by using pretty stable measures of the people involved, like income, education, occupation, etc, the same cannot be said of ethnicity. Prejudices against other ethnic groups that appear ‘essential’, wax and wane as conditions change but the mere existence of conflict with other ethnic groups may shift the meaning of ethnicity on all sides. It is crucial that we focus on ethnic prejudice, and specifically on the sociological understanding of prejudice against certain minority groups.

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