Momin Iftikhar
In the post 9/11 environment the Indian establishment and agencies have acquired considerable expertise in improvising bloody charades for conducting foreign policy affairs in the context of terrorism. Such shenanigans, notwithstanding the loss of considerable life and framing of innocents, have acquired sickening frequency in the post 9/11 environment. Invariably dovetailed into the overall conduct of foreign policy vis-à-vis Pakistan, such episodes are supported by a widespread propaganda tirade spewed out by a mammoth media infrastructure and minutely timed for maximum effect. The murder of 35 Sikhs in the Kashmiri hamlet of Chattisinghpura, coinciding with the visit of President Clinton to India and attack on the Indian Parliament before mobilizing for Operation Parkaram, being archetype of such fake yet grisly productions. This ingrained trend was eminently evident as the fourth round of the Composite Dialogue Process (CDP) approached culmination in the third week of May at Islamabad.
The ceasefire along the LoC, which came into effect as the Indians rolled down Operation Parkaram in Kashmir, had continued to hold on without incident since Nov 16, 2003. However just before the Indian foreign secretary and the foreign minister landed in Pakistan to carry forward the four years old Process, the Indian press came alive with reports of cross border infiltrations as well as violations of the ceasefire by the Pakistani forces along the working boundary as well as the LoC. Three incidents of ceasefire violations were reported within a fortnight. The first one allegedly occurred in Sambha Sector of Jammu Region on 9 May when Indian military claimed firing of a thousand rounds from the Pakistani side on a BSF Post along with hurling of grenades. The Indian spokesman while acknowledging no casualties to post occupants alleged that under the cover of fire, militants cut through the formidable security wire fence and sneaked into the IHK. Five days later another ‘incident’ materialized. On 14 May Indian posts in Tangdhar belt of Kupwara were allegedly targeted by the Pakistan military with mortar fire. And just a day before the foreign secretaries of the two countries were scheduled to meet in Islamabad, Indians alleged that Naik Yashwant Sinha of 2/8 Gurkha Rifles, was killed when Pakistani post opened heavy fire in Poonch sector. According to Indian media reports, on all three occasions, the Indian troops did not respond to the alleged provocations asserting that it was not clear if the fire was opened by the ‘militants’ trying to sneak into IRK or Pakistani troops. All these incidents were refuted by Pakistan.
With military providing the lead, the Indian media used the fictitious infringement of the ceasefire to hypothesize scenarios that would enable their interlocutors to divert the focus away from the core issue of Kashmir to insignificant non issues - most prominent of these being the ‘cross border infiltration / terrorism by ‘terrorists’, including foreigners from Azad Kashmir. The media, exploiting the opportunity provided by these fake skirmishes justified the additional induction of Rashtrya Rifle troops drawn from the in-depth areas of Surankote to the front positions along the LoC in the Rajouri-Poonch area where the human rights violations by the Indian troops have shown a marked rise. It also developed an argument, based on incidents of firing across the LoC that infiltration of the freedom fighters - terrorists in the Indian parlance, from the Pakistan’s side was picking up, underscoring its by now ingrained theme that India was a victim of “cross border terrorism”. Some Indian papers even went to the extent of postulating that thousands of ‘terrorists’ were ready in Azad Kashmir, waiting to be launched across the LoC in the coming days.
Based on such well coordinated effort, the Indian media tried to set the agenda for the coming talks, suggesting that renewed’ infiltration’ bids and spurt in the “cross-border-terrorism” would be topping the agenda of the impending dialogue. It was now only left to the Indian foreign secretary to add icing to the cake. Responding to a query from a reporter, Menon said,” It (infiltration) is very high on agenda under Peace and Security... part of the composite dialogue. We have said that absence of violence and stopping cross border terrorism is on top priority”.
While the Indian media, military and the diplomatic corps is obsessed about the issue of the “cross-border-terrorism” and infiltration forming the core ~f its interaction on Kashmir in the context of CDP, they are conveniently blotting out a very relevant UN sponsored body of military observers who can playa leading role in holding the watch on the LoC - The United Nations Military Observers Group in India and Pakistan, the UNMOGIP. It is no coincidence that not many people in India have heard about this UN mandated military observers group, tasked to report all violations on the Ceasefire Line in Kashmir to the UN Secretary General and to India and Pakistan.
UNMOGIP came into being in July 1949, on authority of the UN Security Council Resolutions, consequent to Karachi Agreement, which established a Ceasefire Line (CFL) between India and Pakistan. The Group was mandated to observe and report violations of the CFL and submit its finding to each party and to the Secretary-General. Ever since signing of the Simla Pact in 1972, Indians started claiming that since CFL has been renamed as Line of Control in the Agreement, the UN mandate for the UNMOGIP had become outdated. Knowing that the presence of UN military observers in Kashmir bears an inviolable link to the UN Resolutions, Indians have tried their level best to rid themselves of the UNMOGIP. The Group has currently moved its Headquarters from Rawalpindi to Srinagar on May 1 as per the laid down routine but is effectively prevented from conducting its duties on the LoC by India.
In the post 9/11 environment the Indian establishment and agencies have acquired considerable expertise in improvising bloody charades for conducting foreign policy affairs in the context of terrorism. Such shenanigans, notwithstanding the loss of considerable life and framing of innocents, have acquired sickening frequency in the post 9/11 environment. Invariably dovetailed into the overall conduct of foreign policy vis-à-vis Pakistan, such episodes are supported by a widespread propaganda tirade spewed out by a mammoth media infrastructure and minutely timed for maximum effect. The murder of 35 Sikhs in the Kashmiri hamlet of Chattisinghpura, coinciding with the visit of President Clinton to India and attack on the Indian Parliament before mobilizing for Operation Parkaram, being archetype of such fake yet grisly productions. This ingrained trend was eminently evident as the fourth round of the Composite Dialogue Process (CDP) approached culmination in the third week of May at Islamabad.
The ceasefire along the LoC, which came into effect as the Indians rolled down Operation Parkaram in Kashmir, had continued to hold on without incident since Nov 16, 2003. However just before the Indian foreign secretary and the foreign minister landed in Pakistan to carry forward the four years old Process, the Indian press came alive with reports of cross border infiltrations as well as violations of the ceasefire by the Pakistani forces along the working boundary as well as the LoC. Three incidents of ceasefire violations were reported within a fortnight. The first one allegedly occurred in Sambha Sector of Jammu Region on 9 May when Indian military claimed firing of a thousand rounds from the Pakistani side on a BSF Post along with hurling of grenades. The Indian spokesman while acknowledging no casualties to post occupants alleged that under the cover of fire, militants cut through the formidable security wire fence and sneaked into the IHK. Five days later another ‘incident’ materialized. On 14 May Indian posts in Tangdhar belt of Kupwara were allegedly targeted by the Pakistan military with mortar fire. And just a day before the foreign secretaries of the two countries were scheduled to meet in Islamabad, Indians alleged that Naik Yashwant Sinha of 2/8 Gurkha Rifles, was killed when Pakistani post opened heavy fire in Poonch sector. According to Indian media reports, on all three occasions, the Indian troops did not respond to the alleged provocations asserting that it was not clear if the fire was opened by the ‘militants’ trying to sneak into IRK or Pakistani troops. All these incidents were refuted by Pakistan.
With military providing the lead, the Indian media used the fictitious infringement of the ceasefire to hypothesize scenarios that would enable their interlocutors to divert the focus away from the core issue of Kashmir to insignificant non issues - most prominent of these being the ‘cross border infiltration / terrorism by ‘terrorists’, including foreigners from Azad Kashmir. The media, exploiting the opportunity provided by these fake skirmishes justified the additional induction of Rashtrya Rifle troops drawn from the in-depth areas of Surankote to the front positions along the LoC in the Rajouri-Poonch area where the human rights violations by the Indian troops have shown a marked rise. It also developed an argument, based on incidents of firing across the LoC that infiltration of the freedom fighters - terrorists in the Indian parlance, from the Pakistan’s side was picking up, underscoring its by now ingrained theme that India was a victim of “cross border terrorism”. Some Indian papers even went to the extent of postulating that thousands of ‘terrorists’ were ready in Azad Kashmir, waiting to be launched across the LoC in the coming days.
Based on such well coordinated effort, the Indian media tried to set the agenda for the coming talks, suggesting that renewed’ infiltration’ bids and spurt in the “cross-border-terrorism” would be topping the agenda of the impending dialogue. It was now only left to the Indian foreign secretary to add icing to the cake. Responding to a query from a reporter, Menon said,” It (infiltration) is very high on agenda under Peace and Security... part of the composite dialogue. We have said that absence of violence and stopping cross border terrorism is on top priority”.
While the Indian media, military and the diplomatic corps is obsessed about the issue of the “cross-border-terrorism” and infiltration forming the core ~f its interaction on Kashmir in the context of CDP, they are conveniently blotting out a very relevant UN sponsored body of military observers who can playa leading role in holding the watch on the LoC - The United Nations Military Observers Group in India and Pakistan, the UNMOGIP. It is no coincidence that not many people in India have heard about this UN mandated military observers group, tasked to report all violations on the Ceasefire Line in Kashmir to the UN Secretary General and to India and Pakistan.
UNMOGIP came into being in July 1949, on authority of the UN Security Council Resolutions, consequent to Karachi Agreement, which established a Ceasefire Line (CFL) between India and Pakistan. The Group was mandated to observe and report violations of the CFL and submit its finding to each party and to the Secretary-General. Ever since signing of the Simla Pact in 1972, Indians started claiming that since CFL has been renamed as Line of Control in the Agreement, the UN mandate for the UNMOGIP had become outdated. Knowing that the presence of UN military observers in Kashmir bears an inviolable link to the UN Resolutions, Indians have tried their level best to rid themselves of the UNMOGIP. The Group has currently moved its Headquarters from Rawalpindi to Srinagar on May 1 as per the laid down routine but is effectively prevented from conducting its duties on the LoC by India.
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